Isi Leibler’s latest column in Yisrael HaYom going further than he has before. This part was what really stood out to me:

It is thus important that we publicize the fact that Beinart’s extremist views are anathema to the vast majority of Israelis as well as American Jews. In this context, while endorsing the principal that the widest range of opinions should partake at the forthcoming Peres Presidential Conference scheduled for June in Jerusalem, the disturbing decision by the organizers to invite Beinart as a keynote speaker, is perplexing and inexplicable. It implies a failure to appreciate the damage that providing such a prestigious platform and legitimizing the status of a Jew promoting an odious campaign explicitly calling for a global boycott of Israeli settlements inflicts on both our self-respect and international standing. Above all, it conveys an utterly confused message to the Obama administration on where Israel itself draws red lines.

It’s talent for Leibler to be able to — in the same sentence, no less! — endorse the idea of an open Zionist discussion and then shut it down.

In Isi Leibler-land there is only one type of Zionist discussion that is tolerated. I’m not criticising Leibler for having is views, though I obviously disagree with him; rather, it’s the fact that he’s actively trying to shut down discussion within the wider Zionist movement. That he’s telling President Peres who is and isn’t Zionist is particularly chutzpadik.

This is a problem on a number of levels. First, because Jewish communities around the world, and we’re no exception, are increasingly taking this view. Second, Leibler is turning himself into Zionist-in-chief, deciding who is and isn’t a Zionist, and who is and isn’t allowed to be part of the community. I’m all for the Zionist community asking for a certain minimum subscription to the ideals of Zionism, but once they’re shown, who is anyone to say “you’re in, you’re not”? The role of organisations like the ZCV and conferences like the President’s Conference is to be a forum of Jewish-Zionist debate, not an echo chamber for just one Zionist flavour.

Third, constricting communal discourse is a sure fire way to disengage people, especially those in my generation. If we have no way of expressing our legitimate Zionist opinions, and our Zionist communities don’t nurture this, where will we go? Either we’ll go outside the institutional framework, or we’ll disengage from Jewish communal activism altogether. That’s bad news for everyone.

Like I said, I have no problem for Mr Leibler to say he believes in X and doesn’t believe in Y. But no one has the right to exclude from the community passionate Zionists who want to be active.

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Source: Rob Sheridan / Flickr

This article is doing the rounds, baiting Peter Beinart and J Street to begin spreading their Israel delegitimising message to the Arab world. After a friend sent it to me I offered this response. I thought others may also like to read it, too.

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There are a couple of issues I have with this piece. Here’s the first — it creates a false equivalence between Israel and Arab countries. Israel is a flawed, but genuine democracy, with a minority with virtually all civil and human rights (though that gap should be bridged). Within the green line there isn’t much that distinguishes it from other Western democracies and economies.

(Across the green line is, of course a different story. There it is much more like Arab countries. Citizens of the occupying force (i.e. settlers) and non-citizens (i.e. Palestinians) abide by different laws. Jews in Ariel, for example, are subject to Israeli law. Palestinians in neighbouring villages are subject to military law. They have different rights also when it comes to freedom of movement, assembly, and speech, for example.)

I don’t want Israel to be like Arab countries, I want it to be like, and compared to, the US, France, Great Britain, and Australia. Those countries basically eschewed themselves of occupation and colonisation last century (with some notable exceptions). I want all Israelis to be able to have the same standard of civil rights in all the land Israel controls. This would be a very different situation in Arab countries, of course, where civil rights are curbed, gays are killed and women have fewer rights that pistachio nuts. That’s not what the situation in Israel is now, and nor should it be, and as such I don’t compare it to those countries.

We cannot call Israel a liberal, Western democracy in one sentence and then the next say, “but hey, look next door, aren’t we better than them at least?” I don’t want to be better than the pathetic excuses for countries in the region like Syria and Lebanon and Saudi Arabia. I want Israel to be better a better democracy than Australia. These are the comparisons to make.

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Related reading:

Photo: Flickr / gnuckx

This from today’s Haaretz editorial:

Yet such an understanding [of the fundamental contradiction underlying an anthem that addresses only one people, the Jewish one] is nonexistent when it comes to remembering the Nakba, or “catastrophe” – the Palestinians’ term for what happened to them when the state was founded in 1948. This is the tragedy of hundreds of thousands of refugees and their millions of relatives, for whom May 15 – the day the establishment of the State of Israel was announced – symbolizes the day they lost their land, property and status. [...]

Does the government really believe that thwarting a commemoration ceremony, imposing a ban on teaching the Arab chapter in Israel’s history, and passing laws that forbid empathy with the Nakba will erase the tragedy from memory? Will the state’s expression of grief for the refugees’ suffering really shatter Israel’s right to exist? [...]

A person who understands that an Arab citizen should not be forced to sing “a Jewish soul still yearns” should be expected to let that citizen commemorate the Nakba without having to pay for it and without being denied government funding. Nakba Day does not belong only to the Arabs; it is an inseparable part of the story of Israel’s revival.

There’s no escaping it. We can argue about how and why people were dispossessed, it’s just part of our history now. What we can do is figure out how we can maintain a Jewish-democratic state while still being maximally inclusive of a Palestinian minority. This is from our, Jewish-Zionist perspective, of course.

Aziz Abu Sarah, a Palestinian journalist, had this to say on his own perspective in 972 Magazine, commenting that “the Nakba is the present as much as it is the past”:
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Source: Flickr / OECD

Great work, Prime Minister:

The national unity government has created a new opportunity to move the peace process ahead, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu wrote to Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in a letter he sent Abbas on Saturday night. [...]

A source who saw the letter that Netanyahu sent to Abbas said it included an official pledge by Netanyahu, for the first time in an official state document, to establish a demilitarized Palestinian state in keeping with the principle of a two-state solution.

Netanyahu declared his support for such a solution in a speech at Bar-Ilan University in 2009, as well as when he addressed the U.S. Congress in May 2011. However, he has never brought the matter to a cabinet vote nor had he set it down in an official document, until now.

To his credit, including in his first term in the 1990s, Bibi has continually been at pains to say that his coalition was the main reason he didn’t feel he could push hard for peace. Now that his coalition is so strong (and centre/centre-right), he’s not relying on this as an excuse. Could his father’s death also be contributing to this?

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Israel must release, or put on trial, Palestinians in administrative detention

May 13, 2012

Administrative detention is anti-democratic. Israel has to choose between being “a free and open society” and either putting these Palestinians on trial or releasing them, or perishing deeper into the nondemocratic abyss.

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The Complete Idiot’s Guide to Negotiating and Making Peace

May 12, 2012

Aaron David Miller, writing in Foreign Policy: “Here’s a low-brow but reliable guide to how and why deals get done.”

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ADL’s Abe Foxman can’t see the humour in “The Dictator”

May 12, 2012

Yes, The Dictator is inflammatory and obscene. Yes, some of Sacha Baron Cohen’s work mimics antisemitism at times; but it’s a parody for crying out loud! It’s meant to be funny and to take the piss out of real antisemites. How is it that the ADL can have a problem with this, but not with the Producers?

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Likud Deputy PM Meridor: No settlement freeze is “most damaging of all” policies

May 12, 2012

“If we build all over the place, we lose. Even if we don’t have an agreement [with the Palestinians], we need to have a rational policy.” This proposal, if accepted by the new Bibi-Mofaz coalition would be a major step forward. Certainly a confidence-building measure at the least.

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Video: Obama says same-sex marriages should be legal

May 10, 2012

“At a certain point, I’ve just concluded that for me personally it is important for me to go ahead and affirm that I think same-sex couples should be able to get married.” Where to from here?

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Gershom Gorenberg vs. StandWithUs pocket facts

May 9, 2012

Gershom Gorenberg on StandWithUs: “The answer to slogans shouldn’t be slogans [...] Any account of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict that fits in a shirt pocket isn’t worth having.” This is where hasbara becomes deficient and is undermining the ability of Jewish students to learn about their identities, and Israel.

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